The recent signals coming out of the adiala prison clearly indicates that Pakistan Tehreek-E-Insaf (PTI) founder Imran Khan is not in the mood to make peace with the current government and will resort to repeating the past errors, There has expanded the golf between him and his former benefactors.
Khan has suggested launching a nationwide protest movement to force the government to accept its party’s demands, which will probably not only be rejected by the government, but also by those who exercise the real power of the country.
Critics feel that Khan wants to keep the party in a meaningless multi -year agitation state that has neither gave his peers or the country. Such an excitement in the past served only to panic among investors and handled a serious battle for the country’s faltering economy. PTI was accused by offenders of approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other global bodies to discourage them from expanding a helping hand to Islamabad that has been in the process of solving a weakened economy that many government people claim, was destroyed by the catastrophic policy of PTI.
Political observers believe that PTI was hoping for US President Donald Trump for any possible relief to Khan, but after noticing an indifference to the party.
But many feel that the party does not have the type of street power it used to have between 2011 and 2018. This power also existed for a few years after his radiance, but it has subsided over time.
They point out that PTI is not a revolutionary party and that most of its leaders have tested their luck in various political organizations in the past. Many were motivated to participate in the party to harvest dividends from Khan’s wave, which was partly supported by the invisible forces of the state.
The reported message of the party said it would seek cooperation with other opposition parties for this possible arousal, but the question is: Do other opposition parties really have the type of street power that can force the government to follow PTI’s demands?
Many PTI offers, of which the party plays a double game, on the one hand, seek conversations with the government, but on the other threatening to launch a nationwide protest.
In the midst of this, why should opposition parties trust PTI, which does not have strong democratic credentials and has always been available to the idea of hobbying with the powers that are?
The only party with street power in the opposition is Jui-F, but it would not want to invest its political capital in a movement that can largely benefit PTI.
Jamat Disadvanture-e-Islam Fazl (Jui-F) Chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s complaint about the transparency of the last parliamentary elections is questioning PTI’s victory in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP).
Given this, why should Rehman jeopardize his political career by sitting with a strength that is not only unwelcome in the power corridors in Islamabad, but also another place? Why should he sacrifice his party leaders’ energy for a person who publicly ridiculed him?
It would be difficult for Rehman to throw support behind a leader whose speeches and statements only reflected for being contempt for Jui-F and its leaders.
In addition, a number of government people from President Zardari to former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif enjoy a number of government people very good ties with Maulana.
In fear of a combined opposition, the government could jump into action at any time to increase him – and given his track record, Rehman is not unlikely to completely ignore Zardari or Nawaz’s overtures.
The opposition’s third largest party is Mahmood Khan Achakzai’s Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP). It has already been exposed to cracks after the mysterious death of his former senior leader Usman Kakar a few years ago.
If PKMAP spoils itself with further agitation, it will cause even greater damage to the party’s wobbly organizational structure.
Now is the question: Will PTI perform this agitation on its own? Does it have enough numerical strength to challenge the current exemption? Will its leaders, some of whom are known for their traditional political opportunism, risk everything just for the whims of their leaders? Given that some say they can hardly organize a corner meeting, will they be able to mobilize people on a massive scale?
The party has already been subjected to internal disagreement over a myriad of questions. The expulsion of four -fire -leader Sher Afzal Khan Marwat has already disappointed a section of party workers. Now the party mullets over teaching a tough lesson to the parliamentarians who did not pull the party line over the question of 26. Change.
The thing, however, is that being public representatives is not an abstract phenomenon. Behind parliamentarians lies the support of their voters or sympathizers participating in political collections to make them successful.
PTIS Punjab’s organization has already been in disarray for some years, and now, if some parliamentarians are also expelled, sidelines or transformed into pariahs, bringing people to political events or protests will be a difficult task, difficult to perform without the support of traditional politicians , who dominates the party in several parts of the country.
Ordinary party workers have been disillusioned after noticing their leaders’ opportunism. While the party is talking about Khan’s imprisonment and the situation of Bushra Bibi, the top leaders have rarely held any press conference (too late) over the difficulties that Shah Mehmood Quraishi, Yasmin Rashid, Sarfaraz Cheema, Ijaz Chaudhary and others.
It is also very likely that the state’s crash after May-May also discourages ordinary party workers from risking their future. Therefore, it would be far more cautious for the party to let sensation prevail. Critics believe that Imran Khan committed a boom by giving up the Punjab government months after his federal government’s exhaust.
Even after his motionless departure from the power corridors in Islamabad, his party ruled in Gilgit-Baltistan, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, KP and Punjab. Think the political observers could have shown the party’s performance in these regions while waiting for the next election and could have turned the tide in his favor, but ended up missing this opportunity.
PTI again has an opportunity to relieve poverty in KP where it controls. It also has a chance to wipe out illiteracy, increase trade, improve the health care system and carry out reforms in government departments. The people did not see Naya Pakistan during Imran Khan’s first period.
Perhaps PTI may show them to them by transforming KP into a model province for citizens by giving them clean drinking water and quality education and by ending corruption, removing terrorism, increasing tourism and protecting the rights of women and other marginalized parts of communities.
If the party again turns to the policy of agitation and protests, it will probably create more cracks inside, while also leading to a confrontational situation between Peshawar and Islamabad, which would not only be harmful to the party but the federation as a whole. Political sagacity would dictate PTI avoid this meaningless perennial agitation.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this piece are the author’s own and does not necessarily reflect Pakinomist.tv’s editorial policy.
The author is a freelance journalist who can be reached at: [email protected]
Originally published in the news
