The paradox of American policy

Pakistani Army soldier greets while standing on an air defense missile system under Pakistan Day Military Parade in Islamabad, Pakistan, March 23, 2022. – Reuters

In the final phase of the Biden administration, the then US Deputy NSA Jon’s finer shocking remarks that Pakistan’s missiles will have the ability to strike goals far beyond South Asia including the United States.

This was an unprecedented statement from any American official who came as a surprise not only to Pakistan, but also for political and missile experts across the globe. However, the finer was unable to establish any motive for Pakistan to develop this capacity.

Pakistan replied that its strategic program and allied capabilities were intended solely to deter and avert a clear and visible existential threat from India and should not be perceived as a threat to any other country. The most plausible reason behind this outbreak seemed to be an effort to lock the new US administration in a negative bond with Pakistan.

In June 2022 and 2023, the US’s integrated strategies for India and Pakistan released, in which the United States “encourages increased transparency and (one -sided) restraint on Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programs so that these do not pose a threat to the United States or its allies and the Allies and partners.” At the same time, the United States aims to have “expanded defense and security cooperation with India to improve interoperability and help India provide security to the (so-called) Indo-Stillhav area and beyond.”

In contrast, the same strategy requires dialogue and regional integration in South Asia. This American approach comes at the expense of undermining regional stability in South Asia. How can Pakistan exercise one -sided restraint when India quickly develops its offensive military/ strategic capabilities, including ballistic and cruise missiles, BMD systems and ASAT capacities?

In the past, Pakistan has always regarded the United States as a broker and a stabilizing factor in its relations with India. The current US strategy for developing strategic alliance with India, while Pakistan’s Nuclear and Missile Program has retained Pakistan’s nuclear and missile program, has seriously bulged its credibility as an honest broker.

In its geopolitical persecution, the United States also compromises on its leadership in the global non-dispersal regime, established international law and rule-based order. Since the United States has cozy up to India after the end of the Cold War, decision makers in Pakistan see a pattern in US policies that ignore priorities of non -dissipation rather than geopolitical interests.

In 2008, the US Arm Nuclear Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) twisted to give an exception to India to facilitate its peaceful nuclear cooperation without ensuring pure separation of civilian and military programs. This exception has released India’s impaired civilian nuclear fissile material for its military program.

In 2020, the United States reinterpreted its domestic MTCR policy, giving the national estimate to export unmanned air systems (UAS) at a maximum speed of 800 km/hour, allowing the United States to export MQ-9B Reaper drones to its allies, including India. The latest deviation from the MTCR guidelines gives the United States increased flexibility to export certain missiles, UAS and SLV systems to promote shared defense goals with its close allies. The largest recipient of deviation in US non -scattering policies is India.

Historically, India has adapted its SLV program, exploited by international cooperation for its Agni Series Ballistic Missiles program. Ironically, former US Deputy NSA, during his speech in Carnegie, also indicated that the United States was in the process of changing its national memorandum on MTCR guidelines intended to facilitate greater space collaboration with the US allies as India.

India’s space technology has directly affected its intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) program. Using Russian technology, India developed space launch vehicles such as GSLV, PSLV and SLV technologies that have since been adapted to military use. Today, India possesses a large missile parliament that is capable of delivering conventional and nuclear contention.

Among these, Agni-V has a range of 8,000 kilometers, while Agni-Vi extends to 10,000–12,000 kilometers. In an alarming development, India has recently implemented Agni-V missiles. Meanwhile, India’s Surya missile program remains shrouded in secrecy. India, under US pressure, has chosen not to reveal the full extent of its Surya ICBM project to avoid alarming global powers such as the United States, UK and France.

Officially, India claims that its missile program is designed as a deterrent effect against regional threats such as China and Pakistan. However, its increasing reach means that cities like London, Paris and even New York could eventually fall within striking distance.

Despite this spreading record and intervention of space and missile programs, it has been able to elaborate on its international cooperation in space with large space nations including the United States. India’s testing of hypersonic missiles, canesteraization of missiles, increasing their clear-to-launch status, increasing precision/ accuracy of new missile systems, and providing the Modforce role, testing to ASAT-MISSIL and BMD undermines regional and global strategic stability.

There is a visible paradox in the American position where it does not seem to be concerned about India’s already mature ‘missile functions at intervals far beyond China, which can target us to bases in Indian and Pacific areas and also its allies. While Pakistan has neither the intention nor the ability to harm American interests, but is still targeted by the United States on the ‘perceived assumption’ that it will have ICBM capacity after a decade.

Pakistan has consistently stated that its deterrent capacity is solely aimed at maintaining deterrence against aggression from India. Islamabad claims that Raison -The -of its strategic abilities have always been India and will continue to remain so. However, the country continues to develop restrained capacity to maintain the credibility of deterrence with India’s ambitious military and strategic development program.

Instead of being led away with the bite’s approach, there is an opportunity for Trump to nurture peace and stability in South Asia. This can only come from balanced US policies towards India and Pakistan. Islamabad is expected to welcome any peace overturn that can bring stability in the region.


Disclaimer: The views expressed in this piece are the author’s own and does not necessarily reflect Pakinomist.tv’s editorial policy.


The author is CEO of the Center for International Strategic Studies. He can be reached at: [email protected]



Originally published in the news

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